That form shall correspond to the content of a work is a law of realist art. Marxist-Leninist esthetics, on the basis of discovery of this law, does not prescribe an invented norm for the artist, but generalizes from the experience of art itself. Methodologically, it takes as its point of departure the dialectics of content and form. In so doing, Marxist-Leninist esthetics does not dissolve in philosophical concepts the distinctive features of content in art and the nature of form. It (...) examines the unity of content and form, and their development, in the context in which they manifest themselves specifically in art. In other words, it investigates the esthetic features of the relationship between content and form in art. (shrink)

From the Editors. November 1980 marked the seventieth birthday of the prominent Soviet estheticist, Doctor of Philosophical Sciences, and Honored Scholar of the RSFSR Avner Iakovlevich Zis'. In publishing his article, the editors take the opportunity to congratulate the author on this occasion and to wish him health, good spirits, and further creative successes.

In joining a discussion of the subject, object, method, and other specifications of culturology, one should first define one's view of the correlation between culture and history, culturological and historical knowledge, the purposiveness of history as a social movement, and its certainty as a science. From the point of view of positivist philosophy and the social science based on it, history a priori lacks any teleology, goal-orientation, or inner meaning and is simply the sum of the collective life of people. (...) I would even risk defining the historical process as a dynamics of people's realization of the collective forms of their life activity and an accumulation of justified models of the corresponding social experience. In that case, historical knowledge can be defined as a special way of describing and systematizing the most socially significant processes and results of people's realization of their sociality, that is, technologies of collective existence. I draw attention to the fact that what we are talking about, first of all, is the way we-the interested people-have chosen to describe past events we had systematized in some way or another on some suitable basis. In itself, history is not a living entity and cannot have any independent goals, meanings, intentions, or other manifestations of free will, which are characteristic of a freely acting human individual. (shrink)

First of all, I would like to stress that the discussion covers at least three different culturologies. The first is a science with the relatively modest task of studying certain properties of culture that are not studied in other fields of knowledge. The second is an attempt at an enormous mystification, a substitution of concepts in which there is an attempt to smuggle in ordinary sociology under the popular word "culturology." Much of what has been said here under the heading (...) of "culturology" has, in my view, no relation to problems of culture, but is linked with the well-known sociological-political attempt to develop a system of technologies of direct social regulation of the consciousness and behavior of people, which would suit not so much cultural agencies as the Ministry of Internal Affairs . And finally, third, the issue is a certain intellectual tendency that formed in our country, partly as a protest, under conditions of a total ban on any attempts, other than official Marxist ones, to comprehend the world. Here, as always, everything began with a critique of Western theories , in the course of which the critic imperceptibly "crawled over" to the positions of the criticized. By the 1970s, the term "culturology" became more or less legitimate, but the attempt in the 1990s to create a "unified culturology" that would include the philosophy of culture , Anglo-Saxon sociocultural anthropology , French semiotics , and so on, unfortunately , failed. (shrink)

In November 1969, the USSR Academy of Sciences' Presidium held a discussion on the principal lines of work being engaged in by the Academy's Institute of Philosophy. A report on this matter was presented by the Institute's director, P. V. Kopnin, Member of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences. Participants in the discussion of the report were M. V. Keldysh, President of the USSR Academy, Academicians F. V. Konstantinov, M. B. Mitin, A. M. Rumiantsev and P. N. Fedoseev, and Corresponding Academician (...) Ts. A. Stepanian. (shrink)

Lenin's work "On the Significance of Militant Materialism," written in the spring of 1922, is justly regarded as the philosophical testament of our leader. In it, the tasks of the day were merged with the tasks of the entire epoch on the basis of a profound analysis of reality.

Niels Bohr was born on October 7, 1885. He was one of the great innovators in physical science in the twentieth century. It so happens that 1985 also marks fifty years since the long discussions, which had begun in the 1920s between Albert Einstein and Bohr on the philosophical problems of quantum physics, attained their apogee. An article co-authored by Einstein, B. Podolsky, and N. Rosen, "Can Quantum Mechanics Be Considered a Complete Description of Physical Reality?," was published in 1935 (...) in the journal Physical Review. According to Bohr, "by virtue of its clarity and, it would seem, flawless argumentation, the work of Einstein, Podolsky, and Rosen has created excitement among physicists and played a great role in the discussion of general philosophical questions of physics." Precisely as a result of the publication of this article, the critical position of Einstein concerning quantum mechanics became known to a broader circle of physicists. In the same year, Bohr responded to Einstein and his co-authors with an article under the same title. (shrink)

This study aimed to examine how anxiety related to different styles of coping during the COVID-19 pandemic and how these relationships were moderated by the cultural orientations of individualism/collectivism and a person’s sense of meaning in life. A sample of 849 participants from Georgia completed an online survey during the final stage of lockdown. To measure the main variables, we used the State Anxiety Inventory, the Horizontal and Vertical Individualism and Collectivism Scale, the Meaning of Life Questionnaire, the COVID-19 Worry (...) Scale, and the Ways of Coping Scale tailored to COVID-19 pandemic. The latter measured rational coping via the subscales of information accessing/processing and action-planning coping, and affective coping – via the subscales of passive-submissive and avoidant coping. Results suggested that anxiety positively predicted both affective coping styles and negatively predicted the action-planning coping style, while COVID-19 worry predicted all coping styles; presence of meaning in life positively predicted both rational coping styles and negatively predicted the avoidant coping style, while search for meaning positively predicted all coping styles; individualism negatively predicted the passive-submissive style and positively predicted the action-planning style, whereas collectivism predicted all coping styles; furthermore, individualism and collectivism moderated the link between anxiety and the passive-submissive coping style, presence of meaning in life moderated the link between anxiety and avoidant coping style, while search for meaning in life moderated the link between anxiety and the action-planning coping style. Overall, the findings enrich the cultural transactional theory of stress and coping, and generate insights for the culture-sensitive approach to the meaning in life. The results were conceptualized vis-a-vis Georgia’s intermediate position between clear-cut individualism and clear-cut collectivism. (shrink)

Cosmology is currently a broad and rapidly developing field of knowledge.

Ancient Buddhist philosophy, with reference to Buddhist economic philosophy.

This chapter surveys a few of the so-called “easy” problems, as referred to by Chalmers, in understanding color perception. The obscurity of psycho-neural isomorphism is highlighted by the difficulties encountered in the domain of color, and while this theme has been discussed extensively, the discussion here at least provides an opportunity to review interesting facts and ideas about color vision. Trichromacy is considered first in this chapter, since it provides the most familiar example of physiological explanation in perception—an explanation generally (...) held to be straightforward, simple, and completely satisfactory. However, as is shown in the latter part of this chapter, the neural basis of trichromacy is not yet well understood. The prospects for physiological explanation of less elementary aspects of color vision are also discussed in broad terms, and the conclusions reached here are also discouraging for current theoretical perspectives. (shrink)

Since the appearance of private property and the state, the attention of thinkers of many generations has been focused without interruption on questions of war and peace. Most, however, have been unable to explain these sociohistorical phenomena. A truly scientific theory of war and peace has been established only by the founders of Marxism-Leninism.

The present epoch is one of transition from capitalism to socialism, within which two opposite social systems exist simultaneously. Inasmuch as one of the systems - that of capitalism - is a source of wars, and the system of socialism is the source of peace, questions pertaining to the place of military means in the struggle between the two systems, questions of the struggle between the forces of war and peace and for the cessation of wars between peoples, constitute one (...) of the most important elements in the meaning of the epoch. The resolution of the Central Committee of the CPSU "On the Sixtieth Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution" [0 60-i godovshchine Velikoi Oktiabr'skoi sotsialisticheskoi revoliutsii] states: "The Great October opened a new epoch - that of the transition of humanity from capitalism to socialism, the epoch of struggle for liberation of people from imperialism, for cessation of wars between peoples, for overthrow of the dominance of capitalism, for socialism.". (shrink)

Considerable attention has been given in recent years to the study of the methodological problems of domestic and foreign policy. Some definite results have been achieved. The essence and structure of politics, the content and specific features of its various branches and tendencies have been explored; the place of the social sciences in the study of politics has been determined; and the question of the necessity of elaborating a special theory of politics has been posed.

The transition from capitalism to socialism that is taking place in our epoch confronts the science of philosophy with the problem of theoretical analysis of the dialectics of contemporary social development and of progress in science and technology. Taking into consideration the fact that the process of social change is occurring under conditions of exacerbation of the ideological struggle of the forces of socialism and capitalism, Marxist philosophers face as their most important project a deep-going, comprehensive critique of current bourgeois (...) philosophy and sociology, as well as of revisionist distortions of Marxist-Leninist theory. (shrink)

When people speak of the precipice on which we are sitting, they often appeal to some particular features of Russian culture, the Russian people, etc. I will not be discussing this point. I do not want to do so mainly because such discourses very often amount to no more than a peculiar type of racism.

The very title of our conference, "Violence in Post-Totalitarian Society," implies the existence of certain expectations. We have always assumed that the communist regime would never fall without violence; an outburst of violence seemed a natural reaction to the demise or weakening of the system. It is extremely difficult to assess today the extent to which these fears have been borne out. Statistics are unreliable at present, and in the past they did not exist for many parameters. Hence it is (...) not always possible to compare current and previous levels of violence on the basis of statistical data. As for the widespread opinion that crime is unlimited, it is determined, like any other social attitude, by a mass of factors among which the real state of affairs does not necessarily head the list. As for the violence originating with the state, although the present regime clearly does not shrink from violence, so far the general level of coercion and cruelty is infinitely distant from that perpetrated for decades under the previous system. (shrink)

In the heroic chronicle of Russia's revolutionary movement, the Decembrists - representatives of the first stage of that movement - hold a special place. The boldness of the initiative they displayed, the self-sacrifice of the heroes who rose in struggle against the autocracy, the at least partly conscious intention of creating - albeit at the price of their own lives! - a historic precedent: all this compels one to look closely at the moral content of their activity. The significance of (...) the moral factor in the historical experience of Decembrism is determined by yet another noteworthy circumstance: the finest members of the nobility were rising against the privileges of their own class. This feature was noted by Herzen when he wrote that this movement included members of the wealthiest and most famous noble families of Russia, and that "Pestel' proposed to them that they seek, even at the cost of their lives, the expropriation of their own estates.". (shrink)

The Patriotic War of 1812 was a tremendous historical testing of our people against the world's most powerful enemy — the army of Napoleon. The treacherous invasion of Russia by the Napoleonic hordes called forth in our country a feeling of hatred for the foreign conquerors, self-sacrifice and heroism. The people as a whole rose to struggle against the invaders. Alongside the Russian Army there were numerous folk levies and guerrilla bands, all with the single motive of freeing their homeland (...) from the foreign conquerors. Whereas Napoleon's was a war of conquest against Russia, the War of 1812 was, from the very outset, a just war of national liberation for their country on the part of the Russian, Ukrainian, Belorussian and other peoples. (shrink)

Foreword Philip T. Grier The attempt to retrieve a work of scholarship buried under as much historical debris as was IA Il'in's original two-volume commentary on the philosophy of Hegel presented distinct challenges, as well as possible ...

This edition of Ia IIae pp. 49-67 of the Summa is competent, inexpensive, and complete, and so marks a welcome first in editions of this part of the Summa. After a discussion of habits in general, or what in contemporary philosophy of mind would be more familiar under the rubric of dispositions, virtue is located as a specific sort of habit in the soul, i.e., man, considered according to his real, intrinsic principle of activity. Next St. Thomas moves to a (...) general consideration of the "Intellectual Virtues", the "Moral Virtues", the "Cardinal Virtues", and the "Theological Virtues". Finally, St. Thomas runs back over this basic classification by considering "The Cause of Virtue", "The Mean of Virtue", "The Connection of the Virtues", "The Equality of the Virtues", and "The Duration of the Virtues after this Life". This book has obvious historical interest. But it is also important for contemporary discussions in the philosophy of mind. For example, even if we defer to the caveat that the theological points made by St. Thomas may be gratuitous, it is interesting to consider if those contemporary philosophers of mind who display a decided tendency to explain dispositions in terms of overt, occurrent episodes could come anywhere near adequately describing, let alone explaining, the mine of distinctions vis-à-vis just the moral, intellectual, and cardinal virtues, which Aquinas both describes in ordinary language and neatly explains by means of a theoretical framework containing a thoroughly metaphysical doctrine of potentiality.—E. A. R. (shrink)

Competent, inexpensive translations of complete sections of the Summa are as rare as they are needed. Unfortunately this particular edition fails in the area of completeness. The whole of questions 5, 17, 23, 24, and 26 plus a total of thirty eight articles from the other questions in the first section of the Prima Pars have been left out. Parts of Ia qq. 44-46 have been included, but this is not enough to recommend this edition over the Pegis edition of (...) Ia pp. 1-26, which is now in paper also.—E. A. R. (shrink)

Si hablamos de derechos humanos en Latinoamérica hoy, los más básicos están comprometidos y desatendidos desde el poder económico y político, cuando no abiertamente violados. La democracia representativa que se impuso sobre las dictaduras militares de los años setentas, estipuló cierto margen de establecimiento de reglas en cuanto respeto a algunas garantías personales y legales elementales: la posibilidad de asociarse, de reunirse, de transitar sin restricciones y de opinar sin abiertas represalias han alcanzado lugar, y es de reconocer que ello (...) no es poco si se lo compara con la desastrosa situación anterior de cercenamiento sistemático de las libertades más básicas. Al respecto, cabe siempre una reflexión: de ninguna manera es comparable la condición de violación de garantías, en cuanto a su magnitud, que se da en casos de dictaduras abiertas con relación a la que se da en las democracias parlamentarias, con las enormes limitaciones que estas últimas pudieran guardar. No nos referimos al repudio ético y político que en ambos casos se concita, por supuesto equiparable; sino al hecho de que en casos de militarización del aparato de gobierno, las violaciones a los derechos se convierten en permanentes, sistemáticas y estructurales, constituyendo ya no una violación de la normativa sino más bien el criterio de establecimiento de la normativa legal misma, la cual se pervierte al ser dictatorial y arbitraria. La democracia parlamentaria muestra sus evidentes sujeciones a ia concentración económica capitalista; pero ello no debe llevar a la conclusión - ciertamente falsa - de que constituye una especie de dictadura pura del capital, y que por ello es comparable con la dictadura a secas. La condición elemental para la existencia de derechos es la presencia de un Estado de derecho: advertir sus límites debe llevar a exigir la ampliación sistemática de los espacios democráticos como búsqueda de fidelidad a la lógica misma de lo democrático, no como su posible abolición. En esto, los latinoamericanos pareciera que estamos de acuerdo, en tanto los regímenes democráticos abiertos en los años ochenta se han consolidado. Palabras clave: derechos; Latinoamérica; democracia; dictaduras. (shrink)

Nikolai Fedorovich Fedorov is one of the most original and as yet inadequately studied Russian thinkers. Neither a professional philosopher, nor a well-known scholar, nor a critical essayist, he led a kind of double existence while working as an ordinary civil servant, developing his original philosophy at his leisure in the hours free from his intensive daily work. Fedorov's life was one of selflessness and self-denial, not at all eventful outwardly. He graduated from the Gymnasium in Tambov and completed three (...) years of study in the Law Department of the Richelieu Lyceum in Odessa, after which he taught for a number of years in the Borovsk, Lipetsk, Podol'sk, and other regional schools. The quarter century he spent working in the Library of the Rumiantsev Museum in Moscow was the most stable period in Fedorov's life. Fedorov's ideas attracted the attention of outstanding cultural figures. F.M. Dostoevskii became acquainted with them in 1878 through Peterson, and on March 24 of that year he wrote: "I am essentially in full accord with these ideas. I read them as if they were my own." L.N. Tolstoy, who knew Fedorov personally, said, "I am proud to be living in the same times as such a man." V.S. Solov'ev, who also associated with Fedorov, wrote to him as follows in the mid-1880s: "Your ‘project’ is the human spirit's first advance along the path of Christ since the advent of Christianity. As for me, I can only acknowledge you as my teacher and spiritual father." A.M. Gorky was especially impressed by the activism in Fedorov's views. But none of this precludes the many and very essential divergences of these authors from Fedorov. One can find some links with his ideas in A.N. Belyi, V. Ia. Briusov, N.A. Zabolotskii, V.V. Maiakovskii, A.P. Platonov, M.M. Prishvin, I.L. Sel'vinskii, O.D. Forsh, and V.N. Khlebnikov. The artist B.N. Chekrygin drafted a large fresco entitled The Resurrection of the Dead [Voskreshenie mertvykh] and a philosophical work entitled The Synod of the Resurrecting Museum [Sobor voskreshaiushchego muzeia], both inspired by Fedorov's teachings. (shrink)